This viewpoint places special emphasis upon the needs for identity, recognition, and participation. At the same time this group of theorists distinguishes between interests, values, and needs. They stress the possibility of negotiating interests and bargaining about them. Interests, in other words, may be changed and exchanged. Needs may turn out to be an individual, private matter.
This means that a need to reconceptualize conflict and to reorient our approach from conflict resolution to conflict forecast. Such a change would require a reorientation towards people and their needs. The problem, however, with this approach is that the very function of forecast is laid upon the states with their uneven possibilities of satisfying human needs.
Thus interest once again turns out to be in the center of the concept. And if we apply this once again to the society as a whole, it transforms into national interest.
Political realism, even while covering its face with different masks, continues to exert a strong influence on the type of thinking and judgments found in foreign policy. Such covert political realism is exactly what Russia encountered when trying to enter the global society in recent years. Quickly Russia realized that if it really wants to start a new life, many others do not want it to do so.
Equally disappointing are the contemporary normative theories of international relations. At the center of attention for the theoreticians who work in the normative and idealist traditions are premises which try to connect the stability of the world order with the transition of many countries in the world toward democracy and a market economy. If we look at world society through such a lens, then we can comprehend the best possible prospects for the movement toward peace and cooperation. For example, the President of the United States, Bill Clinton, often emphasized in his speeches that two democracies have never fought against each other.
Hence, the support of new democracies around the world is at the core of his approach to foreign policy. This widely held opinion that democracies do not fight against each other leads to the view that, as soon as democracy wins in Russia and the other postcommunist states, the threat to universal peace will be removed. Usually several arguments are mentioned. Under the conditions of democracy people have a stronger influence over the leadership of the country and, as is quite predictable, will always be against war. But even if this statement seems to be realistic, and we can find many historical precedents of it, still we can formulate contradictory arguments.
Statistical data shows that democratic states, under specific conditions, are able with no less enthusiasm to engage in a military conflict. We also cannot exclude the possibility of the immediate infection of entire nations with nationalistic or religious fever, from which democracies cannot be protected with certainty. They go through a rather dangerous transition period. The relationships among mass political participation, authoritarian, and elitist power politics create a highly unstable context.
The history of the last two centuries shows that during a period of transition states become very aggressive and their participation in conflicts becomes more likely to occur regardless of the type of rule stable democratic or authoritarian. Concurrently, universalist values quickly disappear from the front pages of newspapers and speeches of the leaders of both sides. The essence of liberalism as an ideology and of democracy as a political regime consists in a constant process of broadening the space of freedom in contrast to conservatism, which strives to stabilize and freeze the status quo.
According to liberal thought, a well-organized society can be constructed only if the process of construction is rational and progressive. Liberalism presupposes that a starting point is assumed for instance, democratic procedures and then the long-lasting process of their perfection takes place. Serious questions about this final endpoint are never raised in a serious manner. Another question is: when do the conflicts of the transitional period stop troubling a society and when does the period of the relative stability start?
Other questions also need to be raised. All these questions remain open. One more argument contends that democratically oriented citizens should treat the rights of other peoples with respect. By definition citizens should act in a respectful manner, but the practice does not confirm in all cases with this prescription. Here we reach a quite irritating problem of contemporary liberal political theory, namely, the conflict which exists between human rights and the rights of a nation.
Many limitations exists in the realization of these rights, starting with those connected with age and continuing on to the rights of foreigners. Somewhere a border exists between realized and limited rights and normative rights. Here, according to Immanuel Wallerstein, a different type of law appears on the scene: the right of the people.
And another category that the French Revolution produced: the rights of the citizen. Moreover, these reforms allowed governments to change priorities and to move with the most important tasks which coincided with the present understanding of the common good. The contradiction between the liberal ideal and political practice becomes obvious to citizens quite quickly, but some important factors still helped to cover it in some respects. I will name a few of them. First, the exploitation of the periphery allows the majority of people in developed capitalist countries to raise significantly their standards of living.
Second, the existence of significant national wealth allows governments to develop education and culture in ways which sponsor the development of technologies and industrial potential. Moreover, we should not forget about the ideological support for the main ideas of democracy and liberalism. Such ideology fosters a double standard in that a few industrially developed countries are the only ones which become acknowledged as being worthy of the full rights of a nation. But here the emphasis should be placed on the contradiction between human rights and the rights of a nation, which still exists in liberal theory and democratic practice.
From a prudent perspective, continuing to observe the potential of other states, including democratic ones seems wise. As a result the circle tightens and even the most persistent adaptations of the idea of democracy as a guarantee for peace follow habitual political-realist formulas. These tendencies are pronounced to a considerable degree when the processes of democratization in the contemporary world begin to slow down. But the processes of democratization have never had an unambiguous course of development. Each wave was stronger than the previous one, but the recoil, which always followed it, never returned the state of affairs to the starting position.
Still, the general trend was obvious: more and more states were becoming democratic. Huntington writes that the first wave of democratization was rather long and lasted from to , the second one went from to , and finally the third one lasted from to the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the formation of the newly independent states, and the institution of democratic reforms in Eastern Europe. According to Larry Diamond the third wave of democratization is stopping or maybe it has even ended. The basis for avoiding such a reversion is the result of the strengthening of the potential of the highly developed nations with stable democratic regimes and the disintegration of the center of support for anti-democratic regimes.
Looking to a market panacea for resolving the threat of instability and conflict entails accepting a form of economic liberalism which states that all states are striving for prosperity and that their leaders put the material well-being of their citizens higher than any other end, even higher than security. Within the scholarly literature on the subject, we can distinguish several arguments which propound this view that couples military force with a liberal economic order. One assumption is that to make the system of international trade highly effective and to sponsor the enrichment of states, a definite level of political cooperation is obligatory.
As countries become richer, the more they become interested in international cooperation. At the same time, the liberal economic order strengthens interdependency, which is also an important stabilizing factor. All these statements seem to be quite convincing except for the initial contradictory premise about the utilitarian economic motivation of states.
The problem is that not all state powers are strongly motivated by the goal of material well-being for their citizens or at least not as their initial priority. Another contradiction is the thesis about the significance of interdependence, which also does not guarantee safety from conflict.
States may fear dependency on someone else or fear their own vulnerability that they would prefer to have economic security as their major priority in comparison with all the attractions of an international division of labor. Historical evidence shows quite clearly that an autocracy is much more appealing under certain circumstances and, in these specific circumstances, provokes rejection of international cooperation and even international trade. Nearly all the variations of the new international order in its normative form presuppose in the final analysis the proliferation of liberal, Western values: the construction of the new international order on the basis of liberal values.
But is such a conclusion illusory? The assertion of the universality of Western values is at best contradictory. But recognition of a rejection of Western values remains difficult. Such a situation is not new. At the same time non-Western geocultural zones are demanding more and more their rights for the support and proliferation of other values and cultural types. Asia provides a good example. Asia has 62 percent of the population of the world, and its civilizational and national identity is quite clearly defined and supplemented by an impressive economic growth.
Not surprisingly, Asia is starting to insist on a more active role in global decision-making. Under such conditions, to recognize the experience of only one civilization as adequate and workable limits the creative potential of modern development. Likewise, such myopia imposes a false alternative: either move toward a global society based on liberal principles or face a multitude of threats such as those posed by the potential of nuclear weapons or by ecological degradation.
Rawls never envisions the confluence of the different opinions into a unified meta-ideology. Such a trend would bring us directly to some sort of a totalitarian state. On this foundation exists the possibility of modifying work on the basis of behavioral principles, which in the future may support the building of the stable world order. Thus, the quest of locating coinciding points is one of the most important tasks of philosophical thought. For instance, liberalism would not have many difficulties agreeing with Chinese Confucian values such as benevolence or justice.
A situation will occur that is analogous to the one of comparing the liberal understanding of human dignity and the Japanese interpretation of human dignity as a striving toward spiritual and material well-being. A further possibility exists for creating legal steps which may help universalize and further promote international law. Contemporary Western discourse on human rights includes, on one side, some legal forms like immunities, freedoms, and their lawful guaranties, and, from the other side, powerful philosophical foundations, namely, the philosophy of the individual and society, where the individual has a priority by virtue of agreeing to be governed.
In both cases, this discourse stands in opposition to many other cultures, including the premodern West. The main idea is not that a definite system was lacking for the defense of individuality prior to modernity or even today in some other civilizations which have very different foundations. What is important is to attempt in a persistent manner and to spread around the world the best examples, such as the ideas of Charles Taylor. Even if Rawls does not leave the framework of the liberal world view and looks for a possibility of a liberal dialogue within liberalism, he anticipates the possibility not of the imposition of liberal postulates, but of a formation of a liberal attitude that has a very different ethos and type of development.
But here we touch upon an important problem. According to some of the scholars from East Asia, legal norms, being Western in their foundations, are too individualistic. The Confucian attitude gives more attention to the community and the totality of human relations. Around such concerns the problem of the simultaneous coexistence of different legal cultures and, because of that, the problem of the possibility of their correlation arise. So the way to a global society, based on the principles of cooperation, mutual help, and justice, is not closed to all people.
This question remains for the future. For now such reflections are only the beginning of a quest for a new paradigm. Maybe we will find a marvelous future; maybe not. Even after the Cold War, current expenditures for military arms continue to increase, military conflicts are taking place in different parts of the world, and even democratic states continue to distrust each other to a considerable extent.
The real world demands real politics, from the side of Russia as well as from other states. NOTES 1. Clesse, R. Cooper, and Y. Sacamoto Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, , pp. Martin Heidegger, Being and Time, trans. Among newly included countries are Moldova and the Kyrgyz Republic. Building on the work of Seymour Martin Lipset, recent studies have provided conclusive evidence that such a relationship in fact exists. Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia then must be seen as exceptions to be explained.
Or is the relationship reversed, in that democratic institutions promote economic development? All these questions have taken on special significance in the Third Wave, which provides us with a wealth of recent experience with shifts toward more liberal constitutions. A corollary is suggested by observation of recent history: Does the widespread rejection of authoritarian regimes represent a thirst for democracy, or is there a confusion between democratic institutions and economic prosperity, clearly correlated in western liberal regimes, that have led citizens in eastern Europe, Africa, Latin America, and elsewhere to demand the vote because it is tied in their minds to the BMW?
While these themes have dominated recent discussions on democratization, this essay focuses on a related, but less often addressed phenomenon: evidence is also available that shows widespread political corruption in many new democracies. This evidence suggests a less-examined hypothesis: Does democratic competition stimulate the rise of corrupt politics? Democracy necessarily involves the presence of opposition and independent media, with their freedom to monitor the conduct of government.
Spain, considered democratic since , recently saw accusations of personal enrichment from public office leveled against the ex-governor of the Bank of Spain and the former Director-General of Police la Guardia Civile. I feel a profound disgust and a profound shame for having put my confidence in people who did not merit it. Similar reports have been heard from the Russian Republic. And in Italy, Spain, and France, newly aggressive judges have prosecuted vigorously political corruption cases involving officials at the highest levels.
At its most general, the corruption label has been applied to almost any misuse of power. In the extended process, we can identify what Peter deLeon calls the broader social and political settings of corruption: 1 the culture of political corruption, as where such transactions are so pervasive as to be the norm for official behavior; 2 the informal political system, that is, the network through which systematic corruption takes place, parallel to official structures.
Providers and Officials The political process can be divided into its recruitment selection of officials , legislative, and administrative aspects. All three aspects vary in obvious ways between democratic and authoritarian systems. Recruitment: The Electoral Process Democratization adds an entire dimension of potential for corruption to the political process, in that candidates for office must reach masses of voters; parties and their candidates must have access to the mass media, and that access is expensive.
This puts tremendous pressure on candidates and parties in large democracies to raise money: To offer political goods for political resources. Most countries allow private funding. Does not unrestricted private funding make a mockery of political equality? When is a campaign contribution not, potentially at least, a bribe?
How can one prevent the exchange of the economic currency, money, with the basic political currency, votes? Traditional Marxist critiques of liberal democracy suggest that it is built on a false premise, namely, that political equality and economic inequality are possible at the same time. A central challenge in the construction of liberal-democratic constitutions is how to insulate the political process from the cash flows of the free market. Not surprisingly, rules controlling campaign funding in the face of high stakes result in many of the political scandals associated with democracy.
In the Roman republic, votes were bought and the practice was not condemned. Unification has been described as a substitution of Piedmont northern dominance for foreign and Papal control: Southern Italians were brought to heel by the force and corruption traditional in their history. Even when the franchise was restricted to a large degree, the security of British governments depended on a parliamentary majority. Britain had only , voters at the end of the eighteenth century; before the Great Reform Act of , even individual voters could be given offices in return for their ballots.
Votes are now bought more indirectly, as elections are won with media campaigns that are increasingly expensive. Voters were worth more per capita in proto-democratic systems. In the age of mass media, each vote is worth less, but the total process is incomparably more expensive, and tensions over funding continue. Most recently we have the case of official eavesdropping on the telephone of the father-in-law of the judge investigating illegal campaign financing of the party of French Prime Minister Balladur.
In nineteenth-century Britain, for example, leaders freely used patronage to secure support. Contracts, military commissions, and government jobs were given to members of Parliament. In the United States in Corruption and Democracy 25 that period, bribery also applied to Congressional votes.
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Senators were chosen by state legislatures at that time, so that seats could be bought if enough money was distributed in a legislature. Many Senators came to be known as representatives of specific interests, such as railroads, oil, textiles, and steel, rather than states. Senators became very rich, and their leaders saw themselves as the government agents in a web of financial and commercial interests. Legislative corruption continues to scandalize some in the present era. In Britain, the case of Home Secretary and Deputy Prime Minister Maudling involved the distribution of funds from a private firm involved in bankruptcy proceedings.
Maudling was forced to resign. In spite of these examples, a clear conclusion cannot be drawn on whether the process by which public policy is determined in democracies is either more or less exposed to corruption than in authoritarian governments. A somewhat theoretical conclusion would be that the policy process in democracies is less corrupt. The argument is that power corrupts, that policy making power is more concentrated in authoritarian systems and less susceptible to exposure and challenge.
In China, for example, a consensus exists among protesters and conservatives alike that official corruption is a serious problem, involving even the son of Deng Xiao Ping. Administrative Corruption At first glance, appointed and career officials would seem to be the office holders furthest removed from the effects of democratization.
However, the ethos common to democracies quite possibly removes one of the principal barriers to administrative corruption, the high status of officials. Appropriate lessons can be drawn in U. More would be lost, he feared, by continuing individuals in office than would be gained from their experience. Whatever the worth of this populist philosophy, Jackson started a trend: The victorious Whigs removed his Democratic appointments in , President James K. Polk restored the Democrats, etc. In the process, the prestige of the civil service diminished. Historians of Europe have identified the modernization of states with the development of a civil service as a replacement for royal servants with personal loyalty to their monarch.
In the process, these civil servants developed their own philosophy and the cult of worshipping their own vocation—they may be seen to have supplanted the church in offering themselves as a priestly class with extraordinary knowledge and ethics. Prussia and other German states began assuming responsibility for the physical needs of officials and their families in return for entire devotion to duty. Prussia introduced, beginning in , the concepts of tenure, exam-based entrance to administration, a rational hierarchy of classes and sub-classes, pensions, and stringent laws and harsh punishments against conflict of interest dealings.
If, as the franchise was extended, they were forced to become the respectful servants of the mass public, rather than of some ideal of service itself, what would happen to their ethical standards? Ironically, a rise of democratic, egalitarian norms may correspond to a decline in the status of administrators. Grant At the same time, England was being transformed. The period saw major changes in British politics, including the Reform Act expansion of the electorate that greatly reduced the possibility of buying seats in the Commons, and the rise of the Cabinet as the supreme controlling body, with the principle of unanimity to give it cohesion.
From the middle of the nineteenth century through the s, most Western European civil services were seen as empty of corruption, even as they were haughty to the ordinary citizen. In the process of their democratization, we have seen a rise in the incidence of bureaucratic corruption as well. The emergence of a non-corrupt public officialdom, then, seems to depend either on the accidental evolution or the deliberate development of a corps of people who profit from anti-corruption values, as they might if they made their livings by investigation and persuasion.
Cicero, an ardent critic of corrupt judges, was a professional advocate, whose skills could be negated if a judge could be bought. Unfortunately, superior status for public officials does not fit well with a democratic culture, which will look at such officials as public servants. Civil service ethics may be transmitted successfully as a call to a higher duty that will probably not be appreciated even by ordinary citizens. In short, all polities have the potential for administrative and bureaucratic corruption.
Democracies add to that potential the new corruptible institutions involved in electoral competition, which itself is often institutionalized in clientelism and political machines and in a leveling that strips administrators of their sense of importance. The Culture of Political Corruption: Public Opinion The self-fulfilling prophecy contributes mightily to pervasive corruption.
Voter retribution will not reduce corruption if voters expect such behavior from public officials. In the Philippines, democratic institutions on the American model were imposed on a culture steeped in clientelism. Voters are determined to get as much as possible out of candidates during campaigns, because they expect little from them afterwards.
The public regarding voter makes decisions based on a concept of the public good. In an individualistic culture, politics is a market, in which political actors are judged by their ability as entrepreneurs under essentially amoral rules. Finally, in a traditionalistic political culture, the public accepts that politics is the domain of a traditional social elite. In the United States, large Northeastern states such as Pennsylvania and New Jersey are identified as individualistic. Some Midwestern states, especially Minnesota and Wisconsin, are seen as moralistic.
Much of the South is labeled traditionalistic. Nevertheless, these works have generated a large body of applications that in many cases support their conclusions. Corruption and Democracy 29 If corruption is found scandalous, a democracy has the means to punish corrupt behavior: elected representatives who are identified as corrupt, or who tolerate a corrupt civil service, will be voted out of office. How scandalous is corruption in the United States? The authors identified 83 districts with such charges and compared them with non-affected districts. They found that Democrats were charged more with bribery than Republicans, while Republicans were charged with conflict of interest, than were Democrats.
But charges concerning personal morality had the greatest effect on reelection, followed by bribery, then by conflict of interest. Accusation did result in retribution. The average loss of votes on all charges was 7.
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Charges of personal immorality weighed most heavily, with average vote losses of about 25 percent. Losses for Democrats accused of bribery averaged However, the average accused Democrat had served six terms and, in the last election, had won over 67 percent of the vote. The average Republican had served three terms and, most recently, had won by 58 percent. One hypothesis still might be tested and added to this literature: Does a large private sector, operating in a politico-economic system with a high level of competition and minimal government-imposed bottlenecks, embitter the taste of corruption, so that it is held in check by public pressures?
We have seen that the business moguls of nineteenth-century America encouraged corruption even as they despised politicians. These powerful figures were seeking or had won monopolistic or oligopolistic situations for which they wanted government guarantees. A truly competitive capitalism, on the other hand, might create a climate hostile to corruption.
A public opinion that can be scandalized by corruption may be a necessary condition to its reduction. However, it cannot be sufficient unless the scandalous conduct can be made known. Russian writers attacked Tsarist corruption cautiously but relentlessly. The police inspector was a great patron of the arts and manufactures, but he preferred a bank note to everything else.
Perhaps in the presence of democratic institutions, such satire, if broadly disseminated, might have been sufficient. The total picture, then, is complex: all governments face the potential of corruption from the rent-seeking behavior of those who make authoritative decisions. Democracy introduces an additional temptation in the value of the vote. On the other hand, institutional arrangements can be implemented in any type of political system to reduce the likelihood of corruption.
And the dispersal of power and the open flow of information that is characteristic of democracies can make corrupt behavior difficult and expensive. Presumably the variable most difficult to change is the mass culture. Yet it seems that, while popular resentment of corruption is not constant, it occasionally swells and forces at least a temporary focus on corrupt activity. After all, corruption is as old as government itself.
Corruption may be universal, but its incidence clearly varies, as any seasoned world traveler can tell you. Identifying the factors related to corruption and attempting to isolate those that may be manipulated to reduce the incidence of corrupt behavior become important. Manipulating the Factors of Corruption: Reform Proposals In the empirical literature of social science, much more has been written about the pervasiveness of corruption than about its elimination or prevention.
This surely reflects widespread pessimism about the possibilities of reducing the incidence of corruption. Michael Johnston provides a thorough description of reform efforts in the American context and evaluates them. Personalistic Reforms: Moral Education Can a system socialize its members into selflessness? In the Republic, Plato saw the need for an elite of philosopher-kings socialized from infancy to have only the public interest in mind.
But James Madison was skeptical about relying on leaders with good values and preached institutions. Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm. So, the answer of the Federalist Papers was in the separation and balance of political powers. However, in our experience the diffusion of authority cannot be credited with the consistent prevention of corruption. In fact, some have suggested that the reverse is true. In , reformer Henry Jones Ford wrote: The growth of an extra-legal system of connecting the disconnected functions of government for administrative purposes certainly entails corruption, but it does not follow that under such circumstances it is disadvantageous although founded upon venality.
Our ordinary system of municipal government is so opposed to all sound principles of business organization that it is highly creditable to our practical capacity for government that we are able to work it at all. The graft system is bad, but it is better than the constitutional system as established by law. The American experience has been that the dispersal of power among independent, relatively invisible local officials does not deter and may enhance corruption, as when political machines arise to circumvent the ineffectiveness of balanced powers.
On the other hand, the formal checks seem to be effective where different well-publicized institutions operate as part of the same legislative process. Corruption and Democracy 33 In Watergate, the checks and balances in the American system threatened to break down: Congress and the courts were slow to assert themselves; the opposition party did not provide constant and meaningful constructive criticism, nor did most of media—thus the dramatic uphill battle of Washington Post reporters Woodward and Bernstein.
If a cost-benefit approach is applied to this situation, the benefit of applying resources to eliminating corruption is reduced as the more egregious forms are eliminated; complete elimination of corruption would be prohibitively expensive. This reasoning leads him to conclude that the optimal level of corruption is not zero. Administrative style is an important factor, and it operates independently from formal structure.
Presidents such as Ulysses Grant and Richard Nixon were later to face the same dilemma. The above discussion of democratic checks and balances and the free communication of opposition can be effective only if policy processes and administration are open to inspection. At the national level, implementation of the Freedom of Information Act has put the burden on government to demonstrate how the public good would be harmed by releasing information.
But how much sunshine can be let in on decision-making without hampering its effectiveness? In any political system tension will exist between these two principles, which inevitably will be resolved short of full public view; here again the optimal level of corruption is not zero. Conclusion Ultimately, the success of any measures against corruption in a democracy is dependent on the degree to which decision making has been institutionalized.
Often corruption associated with the democratization process is actually a function of rapid political change, regardless of whether it is in the direction of democratization. In a true democracy, an unequal distribution of political resources that permits a buildup of influence in a single individual or procedural bottleneck would not exist.
In such a democracy, corruption should be prohibitively expensive. Without constraining institutions, the economic inequalities that are inevitable in a market economy translate into political inequalities that make democracy a sham and stimulate corrupt decision making. In the Mexican case, the over-powerful role of the president and a poorly institutionalized judicial system are major impediments to reducing corruption.
This situation can be contrasted with those of France, Spain, and Italy, where an institutionalized independent judiciary is focused on corruption. These approaches can be promoted by leaders of exceptional integrity, yet their permanent implementation must await the consolidation of stable political institutions. Sharpe, , p. Le Monde Diplomatique June , p. Robert I. Corruption and Democracy 35 8. James C. Michael Clarke New York: St. John T. Noonan, Jr. Samuel H.
Robert A. Woodward, Responses of the Presidents, pp. Noonan, Bribes, Ch. Edward C. Banfield and James Q. A legal revolution seemed in the offing. Yet behind all these new laws lurked a question that had dogged similar efforts since the s: Were group-libel statutes even constitutional? The news that the ACLU would defend Beauharnais broke during the very same week as the Cicero race riot, when a mob of 4, white Chicagoans attacked an apartment building that housed a single African American family.
Other letter writers did not mince words. In asking you to join us in choosing free expression, we realize that such a choice costs you far more than it costs us. The price tag on principle also proved too costly for the Supreme Court. In a close 5—4 verdict, the justices ruled in Beauharnais v.
Illinois that the Illinois law was constitutional. If an utterance directed at an individual may be the object of criminal sanctions, we cannot deny to a State power to punish the same utterance directed at a defined group … Long ago this Court recognized that the economic rights of an individual may depend for the effectiveness of their enforcement on rights in the group, even though not formally corporate, to which he belongs.
Such group-protection on behalf of the individual may, for all we know, be a need not confined to the part that a trade union plays in effectuating rights abstractly recognized as belonging to its members. A notable dissent came from Justice Robert Jackson, fresh from his tour as the chief U.
Though not without its critics at the time, Beauharnais offered a powerful tool to complement the array of other state-level legal efforts to ban discrimination in housing, employment, and education. Moreover, given that the civil-rights struggle had begun to play out on the national political landscape, this law provided a means to check a new wave of Ku Klux Klan and other white-supremacist mobilization. Immediately following the verdict, for instance, an alarmed Gerald L. Across the board, Jewish civil-rights organizations greeted Beauharnais with silence.
Fearful of the rising tide of McCarthyism, all of the major Jewish organizations declined to seize the opportunity it presented. They opted to stress their all-American bona fides and push liberalism in a different direction, rather than emphasize their minority needs. They wagered that civil libertarianism coupled with formal desegregation would suffice to secure racial and religious equality.
Board of Education case to strike down federal racial segregation. They followed with other state-level anti-discrimination legal initiatives and a vigorous push against religious discrimination by insisting on the larger legal separation of church and state and against school prayer. But one by one, in the s, all the Jewish civil-rights organizations formally renounced their support for group libel as a legal strategy in favor of individual equal protection.
Instead, they embraced the landmark Civil Rights Act, which forbids all discrimination on the basis of race, religion, color, sex, or national origin. A rising faith in free speech, equal protection, and due process as the best antidotes for racism and anti-Semitism formed the quintessence of postwar American Jewish civil-rights work. There was a compelling logic to this approach at the time. Eliminate prejudice as a whole, treat everyone as individuals, handle hate speech as an individual pathology best fought in the classroom and church pew rather than the courtroom, and anti-Semitism would vanish together with American racism.
Alongside this philosophical faith in mid-century liberalism, American Jews recognized tactically that defending free speech in maximalist terms could help block the rearguard actions of white supremacy. In , a Montgomery, Alabama, police official sued The New York Times for libel, claiming that he had been unfairly maligned in a paid advertisement by civil-rights groups that accused local police of racial bias. Sullivan produced the most famous affirmation of the freedom of the press.
It solidified as a core tenet of liberal faith the assumption that unfettered free speech would always serve the cause of civil rights more effectively than troublesome hate-speech laws. But white supremacists and neo-Nazis also took note. Worse still, it inspired a cynical new tactic on the part of these groups, which began using their freedom of speech to directly target their victims. In , the National Socialist Party of America declared its intention to march, dressed in military-style uniforms displaying the swastika, through a Chicago suburb full of Jewish Holocaust survivors.
Town authorities went to court to ban the march. Supreme Court, prompting one of its most famous free-speech rulings. Just as in earlier decades, Jewish civil-rights organizations found themselves internally divided on their response. Each submitted briefs calling, to various degrees, for modest prior restraints on the neo-Nazi provocation. The tactics of these Jewish groups reflected a desire to reconcile their proud tradition of civil libertarianism with an anguished awareness that violent anti-Semitism had not disappeared from society.
The old tools still applied; they just should be used with utmost discretion. Skokie marked the beginning of a new free-speech orthodoxy in American civil-rights jurisprudence. Over the course of the s and s, nearly all of the state group-libel statutes still on the books were repealed. A wave of progressive hate-speech codes floated in colleges and universities were consistently ruled illegal by courts. Other related anti-bias criminal statutes were deemed unconstitutional. After Skokie, courts began a march toward maximalist views of free speech.
American Jewish civil-rights groups, meanwhile, struggled to balance their proud fidelity to the First Amendment with a growing unease at the persistence of anti-Semitism. Neo-Nazi hate groups remained active, and politicians such as David Duke suggested the potential for such ideology to seep into mainstream electoral politics. The far left revealed its own brand of anti-Semitism as well, centered principally on classic tropes of exaggerated global Jewish financial and political power, along with a venomous anti-Zionism that often bled into anti-Semitism.
Still other versions came directly from the Reverend Louis Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam, which targeted Jews in grossly anti-Semitic terms as racial enemies, even to the point of finding common cause with white supremacists. These and other controversies, many centered on college campuses, tested the limits of Jewish faith in free speech as an absolute good. In search of a solution, Jewish civil-rights groups opted to privatize the battle against anti-Semitism. Across the s and s, they conducted private intelligence surveillance on extremists and promoted educational initiatives to combat extremism and anti-Semitism.
The soft instruments of public-awareness campaigns, tolerance training, and informal advocacy replaced the harder force of legal action. The privatization of Jewish civil rights produced one other strategy: individual civil lawsuits to bankrupt hate groups. In , a white southern businessman and lawyer named Morris Dees Jr. Their novel approach was to use civil tort law to combat racism and anti-Semitism.
In , the SPLC sued several Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazi groups for civil damages for racist attacks on individuals, winning multimillion-dollar jury verdicts. A new idea was born. Rather than task the government with silencing extremists, private citizens could simply take matters into their own hands by pursuing their material assets after the fact. The effect would be the same. Putting hate groups out of business would ensure that they could not speak freely anymore. During the s and s, the SPLC grew into a multimillion-dollar nonprofit behemoth.
It took advantage of a war chest filled via direct-mail fundraising and its own private intelligence work to launch a series of successful high-profile lawsuits on behalf of victims of domestic terrorism and violent hate crimes. That approach scored some wins. But it removed the burden of litigation from the government—as well as the responsibility to prevent transparently ideological abuses of free speech.
The reliance on private torts to do the work of public justice led over time to a technocratic, free-market approach to combatting extremism. Anti-Semitism and racism became economic problems to be solved through seizing assets after the fact rather than checking hate speech before it could inflict its damage. Most crucially, the regnant free-speech orthodoxy has proved increasingly ineffective in the face of a newly empowered alt-right that makes sophisticated use of digital publishing, social media, and public spectacle to market its own ideology.
The whack-a-mole approach to defunding hate is unlikely to achieve the same effect as comprehensive public legal statutes. Early last spring, six months after the neo-Nazi march on Charlottesville, the U. Congress drafted the Anti-Semitism Awareness Act. From its name many might assume the legal measure to be intended to counter the spread of white-supremacist anti-Jewish hatred.
The Nicene Creed was expanded and finalized at the Council of Constantinople in to include homoousios for the Holy Spirit as well, by quoting John , "the Holy Spirit who proceeds from the Father," to form the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed still called the Nicene Creed. Constantine considered himself both head of state and father of the Christian Churches. There were three stages in the formation of the Gospels: the life and teachings of Jesus Christ, the oral tradition of the Apostles, and the written word.
The Tradition of the Fathers of the Church was important to early Christianity, for they were the ones who chose those inspired books which best reflected the life and teachings of Jesus Christ in the formation of the canon of the New Testament, and were also involved in the interpretation of Scripture. Jerome that "Matthew put together the sayings of the Lord in the Hebrew language, and each one interpreted them as best he could" Papias, in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History , III, 39, Catherine's Monastery on Mt.
Jerome was commissioned by Pope Damasus in to produce a new Latin translation of the Bible. Jerome completed the translation of the New Testament Gospels into Latin in , and finished his translation from both Greek and Hebrew manuscripts of the Old Testament by In view of his work, St. Jerome was named the Father of Biblical Scholars.
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The Latin Vulgate Bible published by St. Jerome served as the standard Bible for Western Christian civilization for over years. He was born in Tagaste, near Hippo, in north Africa. His mother St. Monica was a devout Christian and taught him the faith. However, when he studied rhetoric in Carthage, he began living a worldly life. He obtained a post as master of rhetoric in Milan, accompanied by an unnamed woman and child Adeodatus, born out of wedlock in The woman soon left him and their son, and Monica joined them in Milan.
Under the incessant prayers of his mother, and the influence of St. Ambrose of Milan, he eventually converted at age 32 in AD. Perhaps the most eloquent examination of conscience is found in The Confessions of St. Augustine , where he describes his moment of conversion in the garden reading St.
Paul to the Romans , But put on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make no provisions for the desires of the flesh. Both his mother and son died soon afterwards and he returned in to his home in Tagaste. He was ordained a priest in , and became Bishop of Hippo in Augustine was people-oriented and preached every day. Many of his followers lived an ascetic life. He had a great love for Christ, and believed that our goal on earth was God through Christ himself, "to see his face evermore.
Augustine was one of the most prolific writers in history, and his writings show an evolution of thought and at times a reversal of ideas, as seen in his Retractations. His Scriptural essays on Genesis and Psalms remain starting points for modern Biblical scholars. His commentary on the Sermon on the Mount is still read today. Perhaps most debated are his views on predestination.
Augustine is the doctor of grace. In his book Grace and Free Will , he explained simply why he believed in free will. If there was no free will, then why did God give us the Ten Commandments, and why did he tell us to love our neighbor? Augustine's arguments against the Pelagian heresy set the doctrine of grace for the Catholic Church to the present day. Pelagius thought that man could achieve virtue and salvation on his own without the gift of grace, that Jesus was simply a model of virtue.
This of course attacks the Redemption of man by Christ! If man could make it on his own, then the Cross of Christ becomes meaningless!
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But Augustine saw man's utter sinfulness and the blessing and efficacy of grace, disposing man to accept his moment of grace, and hopefully ultimate salvation. Grace raises us to a life of virtue, and is the ground of human freedom. Perhaps one of his greatest works was The City of God, which took 13 years to complete, from to History can only be understood as a continued struggle between two cities, the City of God, comprised of those men who pursue God, and the City of Man, composed of those who pursue earthly goods and pleasures.
He refers to Cain and Abel as the earliest examples of the two types of man. The Roman Empire was an example of the city of man which had just been sacked by Alaric in and was the occasion of the book. Augustine was a living example of God's grace that transformed nature. He died August 28, , during the sack of Hippo by the Vandals. August 28 is celebrated as his Feast Day in the liturgical calendar. Pope Leo entered the Papacy at a difficult time.
Alaric had sacked Rome in , and the Huns and the Visigoths were gaining strength. However the Pope proved to be a master statesman and history has deservedly accorded him the title of Pope Leo the Great. One of his first actions in was to bless the missionary efforts of St. Patrick and to ordain him as Bishop of Ireland. A tension in Church authority between papal leadership and collegiality of the bishops was developing over theological questions. Rome was the place of martyrdom for Saints Peter and Paul.
Rome's position as the capital of the Roman Empire was also supportive of a leadership role for the Bishop of Rome. The Bishop of Rome as successor to St. Peter was the Pastor and Shepherd of the whole Church, as seen with St. The independent Church of the East in Persia believed in two distinct natures dyophysite in Christ and did not accept the wording. Pope Leo synthesized the thought of the differing Schools of Antioch and Alexandria in a letter known as the Tome.
The Council of Chalcedon in was the Fourth Ecumenical Council, which supported Leo's stance that Christ had two natures, Divine and human in perfect harmony, in one Person or hypostasis. This set the theology for Roman and Byzantine theology and was important for European unity. Just one year later , Attila and the Huns were threatening outside the walls of Rome. Pope Leo met Attila, who decided to call off the invasion! The Monastic Orders have been a premium influence on the formation of Christian culture. For not only have they been islands of asceticism and holiness that have served as ideals to a secular world, but also they have provided many if not most of the religious leaders within each historic age, especially during times of renewal and reform.
The word monos is the Greek word for one or alone. Monasticism began in the East and spread throughout Europe and saved European civilization. The practice of leaving the ambitions of daily life and retreating to the solitude of the desert was seen throughout Palestine, Syria, and Egypt, St.
John the Baptist Mark an early example. The father of Christian monasticism was St. Antony of the Desert , the first of the Desert Fathers. Antony of Egypt took to heart the words of Christ to the rich young man, " Go sell what you have and give to the poor, and you will have treasure in heaven" Matthew He headed across the Nile to a mountain near Pispir to live a life of solitude, prayer, and poverty.
Soon many gathered around him to imitate his life, living as hermits in nearby caves in the mountain, and in he emerged from solitude to teach his followers the way of the ascetic. He then moved further into the desert by Mount Kolzim near the Red Sea, where a second group of hermits gathered and later formed a monastery. He lived there for 45 years until his death in Maron , a contemporary of St. John Chrysostom, was a monk in the fourth century who left Antioch for the Orontes River to lead a life of holiness and prayer. As he was given the gift of healing, his life of solitude was short-lived, and soon he had many followers that adopted his monastic way.
Following the death of St. Maron in , his disciples built a monastery in his memory, which would form the nucleus of the Eastern Catholic Maronite Church of Lebanon. The fall of the Roman Empire to the barbarian invasions left European civilization in disarray, for the social structure under one ruler in Rome was destroyed. The preservation of culture and the conversion of the barbarians to Christianity was left to an unlikely group: the monastics of Europe.
Their missionary efforts converted one tribe after another, so that eventually all of Europe was united in the worship of the one Christian God. Patrick as Apostle to Ireland founded the monastery of Armagh in and other monasteries throughout Ireland. As the social unit in Ireland and much of Europe at the time was the tribe in the countryside, the monastery was the center of Church life and learning. The Irish monks that followed him converted much of northern Europe. The lasting legacy of the Irish monks has been the present-day form of confession.
In early times, penance was in public and severe, often lasting for years, such that Baptism was generally postponed until one's deathbed. The Irish monks began private confession and allowed one to repeat confession as necessary. The monk St. Benedict was born in Nursia of nobility but chose a life of solitude in Subiaco outside of Rome.
Soon he moved nearby to build a monastery at Monte Cassino in and there wrote the Rule of Benedict. Monte Cassino placed all of the monks in one monastery under an abbot. The guiding principle for the monastery was ora et labora , or pray and work. The monastery provided adequate food and a place to sleep and served as a center of conversion and learning.
Known for its moderation, Monte Cassino and Benedict's rule became the standard for monasteries throughout Europe and the pattern for Western civilization. The first monk to become Pope was St. Gregory the Great Born to Roman nobility, Gregory at first pursued a political career and became Prefect of Rome. However he gave up position and wealth and retreated to his home to lead a monastic life. He was recalled to Rome and soon was elected Pope in and served until his death in A man of great energy, he is known for four historic achievements.
His theological and spiritual writings shaped the thought of the Middle Ages ; he made the Pope the de facto ruler of central Italy; his charisma strengthened the Papacy in the West; and he was dedicated to the conversion of England to Christianity. Gregory sent the monk Augustine to England in The conversion of King Aethelbert of Kent led St. Augustine to be named the first Archbishop of Canterbury.
Soon English Benedictine monks were being sent to convert the rest of Europe, such as the English monk Winfrid, better known as St. Boniface , who served from as the Apostle to Germany. Boniface in his conversion of Germany. His son Pepin and the Papacy formed an historic alliance. Pepin needed the blessing of the Pope in his seizure of leadership of Gaul from the Merovingians.
Pepin died in and divided his realm between his two sons, Carloman and Charles. Charles, known as Charlemagne , took over all of Gaul upon the death of his brother in , and soon conquered most of mainland Europe. He was a vigorous leader and ruled until Charlemagne was a strong supporter of Christianity. During his reign, Christianity became the guiding principle of the Carolingian Empire, as the Church established a powerful presence throughout Europe. He instituted a school of learning in his palace at Aachen.
In the Middle Ages there was in theory a division between temporal power and spiritual authority, but in practice one saw a strong Emperor take control of some spiritual affairs and a strong Pope take control of some affairs of state. Charlemagne, as Constantine, considered himself the leader of Christendom as political head of state and protector of the Church.
The historian Christopher Dawson called this the beginning of medieval Christendom. The Byzantine Empire of the East, with its capital in Constantinople, flourished for a thousand years. The Empire reached its zenith under Emperor Justinian, the author of the Justinian Code of Law, who ruled from to Justinian built the beautiful Church of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople in , which became a center of religious thought. The Byzantine or Greek liturgy is based on the tradition of St.
Basil and the subsequent reform of St. John Chrysostom. The Byzantine missionaries Saints Cyril and Methodius brought Orthodox Christianity to Moravia, and Cyril created the Cyrillic alphabet for their liturgy, which became the basis of the Slavic languages, including Russian. Kiev was once the capital of the country of Kievan Rus, which comprised the modern nations of Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus.
In the sixteenth century, a Russian mystic Philotheus of Pskof noted that Rome and Constantinople, the second Rome, had fallen, but "Moscow, the third Rome," stands. The Russian Orthodox Church today is the largest Eastern Orthodox faith with over million members. One of the most tragic events in Church history has been the Schism of between what is now the Catholic Church in Rome and the Byzantine or Eastern Orthodox Church in Constantinople. The actual event occurred on July 16, The abrasive Cardinal Humbert laid a papal bull of excommunication after Pope Leo had died on the altar right during the Liturgy at the Church of Hagia Sophia, which led the Eastern Church to excommunicate the envoy.
While the event did not end the relationship between the Eastern and Western Churches, it became symbolic for the distrust and strain between the East and the West that developed through the centuries. The break was sealed in with the sacking of Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade. Rome and Constantinople had been able to agree through three more Councils.
The fifth ecumenical council at Constantinople II in was called by the Emperor Justinian and reaffirmed that there is only one person or hypostasis in our Lord Jesus Christ. In response to the Monothelites, that Christ had only one will, the sixth ecumenical council affirmed the efforts of St. Maximus the Confessor at Constantinople III in and confessed that Christ had two wills and two natural operations John , divine and human in harmony. The seventh ecumenical council at Nicaea II in resolved the iconoclast controversy thanks to the writings of St.
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John of Damascus: since Jesus had a true humanity and his body was finite, it was only proper to venerate holy images of the human face of Jesus, as well as Mary and the saints. However, the language of Rome was Latin, and that of Constantinople Greek. There was a difference in perception of Church authority between the East and West.
Latin Rome believed the Pontiff, as the representative of Peter, was Pastor and Shepherd to the whole Church, whereas the Greek East saw the Pope, the Bishop of Rome and representative of Peter, as presiding with love in the sense of collegiality, as a first among equals. This difference in perception of Church authority produced the conflict over the addition of the word filioque - and the Son - to the Nicene Creed by the Roman Catholic Church.
Theological thought on the Trinity had progressed with time, particularly with St. Augustine, who saw the Holy Spirit as an expression of love between the Father and the Son. King Recared and his Visigothic bishops converted from Arianism to Catholicism at the Third Council of Toledo, Spain in and were required to add the word filioque to the Creed. Charlemagne in insisted on its addition, so that the phrase read "the Holy Spirit who proceeds from the Father and the Son". The Eastern Orthodox Churches claim that the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed is the common possession of the whole church and that any change must be made by an ecumenical Council.
Catholic Spain was the first European territory to suffer Islamic invasion in when the Berber general Ibn Tariq conquered nearly all of Spain except the northern rim. The discovery of the relics of St.
As recorded in the late ninth-century Chronicle of Alfonso III, Pelayo became the inspiration for the rightful recovery of Spanish territory lost to Muslim invasion. Spain was troubled in when the Moor Almanzor usurped the power of the Caliphate and sacked the city and Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela in the northwest tip of Spain, but spared the tomb of St.
James Santiago in Spanish. With the loss of respect for the Caliphate, Al-Andalus fractured into multiple petty states, known as Taifas. El Cid held off the Muslims in Valencia until his death in The Reconquista of Spain, or the unification of Spain under Christian rule, was not formally completed until the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, when Granada was captured from the Moors on January 2, Pope Urban II, in one of history's most powerful speeches, launched years of the Crusades at the Council of Clermont, France on November 27, with this impassioned plea.
In a rare public session in an open field, he urged the knights and noblemen to win back the Holy Land, to face their sins, and called upon those present to save their souls and become Soldiers of Christ. Those who took the vow for the pilgrimage were to wear the sign of the cross croix in French : and so evolved the word croisade or Crusade. By the time his speech ended, the captivated audience began shouting Deus le volt! The expression became the battle-cry of the crusades. Three reasons are primarily given for the beginning of the Crusades: 1 to free Jerusalem and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre; 2 to defend the Christian East, hopefully healing the rift between Roman and Orthodox Christianity; and 3 to marshal the energy of the constantly warring feudal lords and knights into the one cause of penitential warfare.
The Church of the Holy Sepulchre was once again in Christian hands and restored. The Kingdom of Jerusalem lasted 88 years, until Saladin recaptured the city October 2, The four Crusader states eventually collapsed; the surrender of Acre in ended years of formal Christian rule in the Holy Land. The twelfth and thirteenth centuries were the peak of the Medieval Age.
It was the flowering of Christendom, a time of extraordinary intellectual activity, with the rise of the University and the introduction of Arabian, Hebrew, and Greek works into Christian schools. A new form of order arose whose aim was to pursue the monastic ideals of poverty, renunciation, and self-sacrifice, but also to maintain a presence and convert the world by example and preaching. They were known as friars and called the Mendicant Orders Franciscans, Dominicans, Carmelites, Augustinians, and the Servites , because of begging alms to support themselves.
Francis of Assisi was born to wealth. He loved adventure, but experienced conversion after joining the military. He returned home, and heard a voice saying to him, "Francis, go and rebuild my house; it is falling down. Francis loved creation and considered it good, for Christ himself took on flesh in the Incarnation. He loved all living creatures. Francis originated the Christmas manger scene. He founded the Franciscan order, and received approval from Rome in The Poor Clare Nuns began when St.
Clare joined the Franciscans in in Assisi. In St. Francis risked his life in the Fifth Crusade by calling directly upon the Sultan of Egypt in an effort to convert him and bring peace. He received the stigmata of Christ in , 2 years before his death in Dominic de Guzman was born in Calaruega, Spain. On a journey through France he was confronted by the Albigensian heresy like Manichaeism and the Cathari. As he came with a Bishop in richly dressed clothes on horses, he realized the people would not be impressed with his message. This led him to a life of poverty.
He spent several years preaching in France in an attempt to convert the Albigensians. In in Prouille, France, he received a vision of the Blessed Virgin Mary and began to spread devotion to the Rosary. Dominic was a man of peace and converted many through prayer, preaching, and his example of poverty.
He founded the Order of Preachers in known as the Dominican Friars. The universities in Europe began as guilds of scholars, which first attracted members of the clergy and were supported financially by the Church. The first universities in Europe were founded in Bologna and Paris; Oxford and Cambridge soon followed. Theology, law, and medicine were fields of advanced study. The age was the time of Scholasticism - of the schools, a method of learning that placed emphasis on reasoning. Important writers at the time were Bonaventure, Duns Scotus, Albertus Magnus, and his student Thomas Aquinas, who became the greatest theologian and philosopher of the age.
Thomas Aquinas was a Dominican priest who lived from to Born in Roccasecca, Italy to the Aquino family, he joined the Dominicans at the age of He received his doctorate in theology and taught at the University of Paris during the height of Christendom. One of the greatest contributions by Thomas was his incorporation of the philosophy of Aristotle into the theology of the Catholic Church. Thomas saw reason and faith as one and mutually supportive, and combined the Bible and Church Fathers and the reasoning of Aristotle into one unified system of understanding Christian revelation through faith enlightened by reason.
His most noted work was the Summa Theologica , a five-volume masterpiece. Thomas Aquinas presented the classical approach to Biblical Exegesis. Recalling the words of Gregory that Scripture transcends every science, " for in one and the same sentence, while it describes a fact, it reveals a mystery. His exposition on the Seven Sacraments remains a standard to our present day.
The Renaissance , which means rebirth, was the period of phenomenal growth in Western culture in art, architecture, literature, and sculpture. Christian humanism, a rejoicing in man's achievements and capabilities reflecting the greater glory of God, had its beginning with the Divine Comedy , published in by Dante Alighieri in Italy.
The Renaissance continued through the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries until William Shakespeare. Michelangelo, Raphael, Leonardo da Vinci, and Botticelli led the way in art. Brunelleschi revived the ancient Roman style of architecture and introduced linear perspective. The great sculptors were Donatello and Michelangelo. Thomas More and Erasmus were leading Christian humanists in literature. The Protestant Reformation resulted from the failure of the Catholic Church to reform itself in time. The dark side of the thirteenth through fifteenth centuries witnessed the errant Fourth Crusade to Constantinople in , the Albigensian Crusade against the Cathari in , and the beginning of the Inquisition which became severely punitive.